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On the Connection between Gui cang and Yi zhan Copied on the Bamboo Strips of the Qin Dynasty Excavated at Wang-jia-tai
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Time：2006年5月17日17:58
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Written by LIANG Wei-xian
(Institute for Chinese Ideology & Culture, Jilin Normal University, Siping 136000, China)
Translated by the Editorial Department
Proof-checked by Dennis C.H. Cheng
(Department of Chinese Literature, Taiwan Unviersity, Taiwan, China)
Abstract: By viewing the difference between the hexagrams’ names in Yi zhan copied on the bamboo strips
of the Qin Dynasty excavated at Wang-jia-tai and those in Zhouyi, the hexagrams’ name in the former is
simply connected to its image and connotations and that in the latter is complicatedly connected to its
image and connotations, we can see that the former are the hexagrams’ names of Gui Cang (complied in the
Shang Dynasty), coming into being earlier than Zhouyi. Although a few divination items in Yi Zhan copied
on the bamboo strips do not comply with the historical events occurred in the Shang Dynasty, the other
items, which obviously were not made up by later generations, ought to be divinatory records of the Xia
and Shang dynasties included in Gui cang. In spite of the fact that Yi zhan copied on the bamboo strips
is not the entire and original Gui Cang, its content is generally in conformity with that of Gui cang
Key words: Wang-jia-tai; bamboo strips of the Qin Dynasty; Yi zhan; Gui cang; Zhouyi
[Author data: Name: LIANG Wei-xian; Title: Professor; Affiliation: Institute for Chinese
Ideology & Culture, Jilin Normal University; Major Field: science of history.]
Part of the report by Jingzhou City Museum published in Wenwu (文物) 1995:1, introduced “Yi
zhan” (divination record of the Yi jing, 易经) copied on the bamboo strips of the Qin dynasty excavated
at Wang-jia-tai. Thereafter, several papers subsequently discussed this topic2.3.4.5. Overall, most
authors think that the “Yi zhan” （易占） copied on the bamboo strips of the Qin dynasty excavated at
Wang-jia-tai is probably a fabricated book of divination of the later period which claimed to be the
earlier Gui cang[ So far as I have read, the articles which positively assert the Yi zhan on the Qin
bamboo strips excavated at Wan-jia-tai to be the Gui cang of the Yi of the Yin dynasty are: Xing Wen,
Qinjian Guicang and the usage of Zhouyi” (Wenwu 2000:2); Lin Zhong-jun, “The value of Yi study of the
Qin bamboo strips excavated at Wan-jia-tai” (The study of Zhouyi 2001:2). ]. This paper attempts to
further discuss whether the “Yi zhan” is indeed the essence of Gui cang (divination of the Yin period).
According to Zhouli (周礼), the ancient officer ‘tai bu’ is in charge of three types of Yi
divination: Lian shan (连山), Gui cang,(归藏) and Zhouyi (周易). “There are eight ‘jing-gua’（经卦,
trigrams）and sixty-four ‘bie-gua’（别卦, hexagrams）.” In “Li yun” (礼运) of the Liji (礼记, The
Book of Rituals), there is a long paragraph describing Confucius “wishing to study the political
ideology of the Shang (商) (Yin, 殷) dynasty. After proving that the Song did not have enough documents,
tai bu came to research Kun qian (坤乾, the ancient name for what is currently referred to as Gui
cang).” This reference proved that Gui cang indeed exists in history and it is also based on the
precepts that we are discussing on the connection between Gui cang and the Qin bamboo strips Yi zhan.
According to the materials uncovered and research results published, we know that the hexagrams’
names on the Qin (秦) bamboo strips and those in Zhouyi are strikingly similar. Therefore, in
order to find out whether the hexagrams’ names on the Qin bamboo strips are exactly the names in Gui
cang, we have to prove the former ones exist before those in Zhouyi. In my point of view, comparing the
hexagrams’ names in Zhouyi with those on the Qin bamboo strips is the most effective method, and I can
definitely conclude that the hexagrams’ names and images on the Qin bamboo strips exist before those in
Zhouyi. This is because the relationship between hexagram names and images of Zhouyi is more refined and
abstract when compared to the excavated Qin bamboo strips. For example, the hexagram ‘ling’ (陵) on the
Qin bamboo strips is equivalent to the hexagram ‘qian’ (谦) in Zhouyi. ‘Ling’ means ‘mountain’.
Hexagram qian comprises two parts: the upper part is ‘kun’ (坤, earth) and the lower part is ‘gen’
(艮, mountain). The Shuogua zhuan (说卦传) explains the ‘gen’ the same way. Thus we can notice that the
hexagram’s name on the Qin bamboo strips indicates directly the physical image of the hexagram itself.
However, hexagram qian of the Zhouyi expressed the inner relationship of the two sub-parts, consequently
symbolizing the idea of modesty (a mountain humbly hides within the earth). The meaning of the hexagram
is obviously more complex and intricate than that on the Qin bamboo strips. This is an example of later
refinement. Take for another example, the hexagram ‘jie’ (介) on Qin bamboo strips. According to
another version recorded in the Jingdian shiwen (经典释文) and other works, the character is in fact
‘fen’ (分) The two characters were often confused in ancient texts. The hexagram ‘fen’ is equivalent
to the hexagram ‘yu’ (豫) in Zhouyi. In Shang Bing-he’s (尚秉和) description of Gui cang, he said,
“The hexagram ‘yu’ is recorded as ‘fen’ (means separate) in Gui cang, which displays thunder on
above, and earth below; and symbolizes the separation of the two.” Then let us go to Shuowen jiezi (说文
解字) to see the meaning of the character ‘yu’. According to Shuowen, ‘yu’ means a big image.
Starting from this point, the character deduced new meaning as loose, comfort and pleasant. Obviously,
the hexagram ‘fen’ on the Qin bamboo strips tells the original meaning of the hexagram, while the
hexagram ‘yu’ indicates the later and indirect meaning which derived from the hexagram ‘fen’. In
accordance with another example, the hexagram ‘ye’ (夜) (sometimes written as ‘yi’, 亦) on the Qin
bamboo strips Yi zhan is equivalent to the hexagram ‘gu’ (蛊) in Zhouyi. Lian Shao-ming said these
relationships symbolized that of unity or marriage of man and woman.6 According to Shuogua zhuan, ‘gen’
(mountain), the upper part of hexagram gu, is also the image of the youngest son, while the lower part
‘xun’ (巽, which means wind) symbolized an eldest daughter. Another Classic Zuo zhuan (左传) describes
the meaning of hexagram gu as “just as the wind rushes down the mountain, so does a woman seduce a
man”. However, the traditional Zhouyi and its exegesis only emphasize on the meaning of the regulation
of the great way of nature – after coming to the end, there we reach another beginning. They mentioned
nothing concerning marriage or relationship between man and woman. On the other hand, the hexagram ‘ye’
on the Qin bamboo strips is closely related to the meaning of ‘marriage’. The reason is that when we
talk about the term ‘hun li’ (婚礼/昏礼, rites of marriage), the character ‘hun’ has the meaning of
‘marriage’ and ‘evening’, the time ancient marriage used to be held. In ancient eras, men and women
used to meet and engaged to each other in the evening. Thus we can draw to conclusion that the name
‘gu’ indicates a later explanation that has a more complex and indirect interpretation in the exegesis,
while the name ‘ye’ directly tells the original meaning of the hexagram – ‘marriage’, and this is
exactly the original meaning appeared in the Yin divination.
Yet for the case of the hexagram ‘san’ (散), I think there are two possibilities: the first
one is that one of the several versions of the Gui cang appears to be ‘san jia ren.’ (散家人) The other
possibility is that the word ‘jia ren’ (家人) is added by later scholars. For the former case, it may
indicate that the (hexagram) names of the Gui cang are also earlier than those of Zhouyi, since Zhouyi
doesn’t have any name contains more than three characters. Now the Qin bamboo recorded the name as
‘san’ instead of ‘san jia ren’, while there is no other three characters name appears in it, thus it
will be appropriate for us to believe it was a correct name. For the case of hexagram ‘heng’ (恒) in
Zhouyi, I don’t think it was simplified from the hexagram ’heng wo’ (恒我) on the Qin bamboo strips.
It may be supporting evidence that the hexagram ‘shi-he’ (噬嗑) of Zhouyi appears to be ‘shi’ (噬) in
the Qin bamboo strips. Shuogua Zhuan states trigram ‘xun’ as a metaphor of ‘wood, wind and mature
women.’ Obviously ‘heng wo’ has the meaning of ‘women’. The characters ‘heng wo’ also appear in
the text of hexagram ‘gui mei’ (归妹) in the Qin bamboo strips no.201, mentioned about ‘heng wo’
stole the immortal pills. Thus ‘heng wo’ should be Lady Chang-e (嫦娥) who stole the immortality pills
and ascended the moon in the ancient myth, and it is coincident to the metaphor ‘women’ of the trigram
‘xun’ according to the Shuogua zhuan. This is a strong evidence to prove that the character ‘wo’ is
not a redundant character mis-added into the text. The same hexagram was entitled as ‘heng’ instead of
‘heng wo’ in Zhouyi. According to the interpretation of the Tuan zhuan (彖传) and Xiang zhuan (象传),
the meaning of ‘heng’ which means ‘forever’ is more abstract than the meaning of ‘heng wo’ of the
Qin bamboo strips which just simply a name of a goddess.
According to the analysis by Professor Lin Zhong-jun, the name of the hexagram ‘heng’ in
Zhouyi was simplified from the hexagram ‘heng wo’ on the Qin bamboo strips. The character ‘wo’ was
not added by mistakes. He also said that the hexagram ‘san’ on the Qin bamboo strips appears to be
‘san jia ren,’7 and the character ‘san’ appears in two different versions of the Gui cang, ‘san’
must not be added by mistakes. On the point that ‘jia ren’ and ‘wo’ are not redundant characters, I
agree with him. Yet for the case of the
hexagram ‘san’ on the Qin bamboo strips and hexagram ‘san jia ren’ in the collected version
of Gui cang, I think there are two possibilities for the difference between their names. First, the two
versions have different sources of information; the second: the two characters ‘jia ren’ were later
added. Supposing the former case, it possibly demonstrates that the hexagrams’ names in the collected
version of Gui cang are also older than those in Zhouyi, because Zhouyi created the standard of one or
two character names, never a three character name. While editing the hexagrams’ names in the book of
divination, the later generations shouldn’t violate this standard unless they got a solid basis. Since
the Qin bamboo strips used the hexagram ‘san,’ and no three-character hexagram names appear in Qin
bamboo strips, it is best to assume the hexagram’s name to be ‘san.’ The hexagrams’ names on the Qin
bamboo strips comprise either one character or two characters, as do those in Zhouyi. This explains that
a one or two character hexagram form name had been finalized in the writing of the Yi of the Yin dynasty.
The hexagram ‘jia ren’ in Zhouyi is equivalent to the hexagram ‘san.’ Some scholars say that ‘jia
ren’ means ‘shu ren,’ (庶人)6 namely common man; lacking any great understanding, while ‘san’
implies having a lack of judgment. Actually, according to the hexagram text, Xiang zhuan and line texts
of this hexagram in Zhouyi, ‘jia’ mean ‘family.’ To say the hexagram’s name as common man or
innocent people might be a little over interpreted. And it is too indirect to say that the meaning of
‘san’ and ‘jia ren’ is similar. Furthermore, it would be totally irrelevant to the image of the
hexagram to interpret the hexagram’s name as innocent people. According to Shuogua zhuan, ‘xun’ has
the meaning of wind, it is also written that ‘thunder moves, wind scatters, rain moistens, sun
illuminates, “gen” stops, “dui” (兑) pleases, “qian” (乾) dominates, and “kun” (坤) stores all
things.’ My teacher, Jin Jingfang (金景芳) said, this section of script from Shuogua zhuan originates
from Gui cang. The hexagram named ‘san’ on the Qin bamboo strips matches the image of “ ‘xun’ means
wind.” According to Shuogua zhuan and the conceptions of the ancients, wind uses its force to scatter
elements across the earth. To name the hexagram ‘san,’ symbolizing the wind and fire images of the two
trigrams of the hexagram, is more direct and more easily understood than to name it ‘jia ren.’
Therefore, the hexagram name ‘san’ should be earlier than ‘jia ren’. The hexagram ‘juan’ ( ) on
the Qin bamboo strips, the equivalence to the hexagram ‘ji ji’ (既济) in Zhouyi, according to Lian Shao-
ming’s research by consulting Zheng Xuan’s exegesis of Yili (仪礼) and Gau Yo’s (高诱) exegesis of
Huainanzi (淮南子), means ‘ending.’ Both Shuogua zhuan and Zagua zhuan state that the changes from the
first hexagram to the hexagram ‘ji ji’ are coming to the end, as the same meaning as ‘juan.’ The Qin
bamboo strips read the hexagram as ‘juan,’ that is to say, they directly use the meaning ‘ending’ to
name the hexagram. However, the Qin bamboo strips are incomplete, thus we do not know the name of the
hexagram equivalent to the hexagram ‘wei ji’ (未济) in Zhouyi. In the sixty-four hexagrams of Zhouyi,
the last are ‘ji ji’, ending, and ‘wei ji,’ endless, giving deeper meaning to the logic of
endlessness. The choice of names in Zhouyi, by using the method of symbolic correspondence, gains a much
deeper meaning, and it’s a much more ingenious way than that of the Qin bamboo strips’ use of
‘juan.’ Is it possible that the Qin bamboo strips’ use of ‘juan’ is a generalization of ‘ji ji’
in Zhouyi? I don’t think so. The majority of the hexagrams in the Qin bamboo strips and
Zhouyi are the same. The hexagrams’ names on the Qin bamboo strips are the same with those on
Zhouyi in majority. Assuming the former generated from the latter, then why is only this hexagram
different? Why was the name for the character ‘juan’ created rather than inheriting? Therefore it is
reasonable that the source of its name has other origins.
According to related records of Yi jing, there is a relationship between the formulation of
hexagram names and their images; since ancient times, as a general rule, the name determined for a
hexagram is never far from the meaning of its’ image. Thus, adopting the above method in the analysis of
question: which are earlier, the hexagram names in the Yi zhan copied on the Qin bamboo strips or those
in Zhouyi, one must seek to understand whether or not the meaning is dependent upon the era in which it
was used. Many scholars have already gone to great lengths to prove that the differentiation in the
hexagram names on the Qin bamboo strips and in Zhouyi is due to phonological problems, namely, using the
characters with the same or similar pronunciation to substitute the correct ones. Yet, I believe that
when examining the different hexagram names between the Qin bamboo strips and Zhouyi: ‘ling’ and
‘qian,’ ‘san’ and ‘jia ren,’ ‘juan’ and ‘ji ji,’ the use of a phonology rationale fails as an
explanation. That is to say, when using this train of thought, one needs to make this premise clear:
unequivocal differences exist between hexagrams on the Yi zhan found on the Qin bamboo strips and those
in Zhouyi. Understanding this basic principle, it is unnecessary to explain the hexagrams on the Qin
bamboo strips as using the characters with the same or similar pronunciation to substitute the correct
ones, like ‘ye’ and ‘jie’ (fen), whose names are obviously connected with the images. Similarly, if
the name ‘heng wo’ coincides with the significance of its symbol, must we consider it correct only when
deleting the character ‘wo’ to make the hexagram name the very same as that in Zhouyi? Assuming that
the ancients, after writing Zhouyi, were interested in creating another similar book imitating Gui cang,
what is the source of the variant hexagram names? If they have not seen the hexagram names used in the
divination of Yin (殷), what is the basis for their imitation? The Zhouli states that the three books of
Yi are all based upon the eight trigrams and the sixty-four hexagrams. The form of the hexagrams on the
Qin bamboo strips is identical to those in Zhouyi, yet their names are different. Therefore, if they are
not based upon Lian shan or Gui cang, where did the names of the hexagrams originate?
Now I want to discuss the hexagram texts of the Yi zhan found on the Qin bamboo strips. It can
be sure that the divinations are the hexagram texts by examining the style of the Qin bamboo strips: the
hexagram configurations, the hexagram names, and the divinations. Most of the records concerning Huang Di
(黄帝), Chi You (蚩尤) and the emperors of the Xia and Yin dynasties, coincide with the records of the
Gui cang collected by Yan Kejun (严可均) and Ma Guohan (马国翰) of the Qing dynasty. The material for the
collected works of the Gui Cang was obtained through examining the following books: Chuxueji (初学记),
Beitang shuchao (北堂书抄), Wenxuan zhu (文选注), Taiping yulan (太平御览), Xu hanshu tianwenzhi zhu (续汉
书天文志注), Lu shi (路史), Yiwen leiju (艺文聚类), zhuangzi shiwen (庄子释文), Zhouli shu (周礼疏),
Shiji shuoyin (史记索引), Shanhaijing zhu (山海经注), Shangshu shu (尚书疏), Lunyu shu (论语疏), Mengzi
shu (孟子疏), Chuci buzhu (楚辞补注),
Mutianzizhuan zhu (穆天子传注), Erya zhu (尔雅注), Zuojuan zhushu (左传注疏), and Buowu zhi (博物
志). All these books were created in eras after the Qin bamboo strips. That means the divinations
recorded on the Qin bamboo strips were from other sources.
Scholars believe that the explanation of the aforementioned hexagram ‘juan’ on the Qin bamboo
strips is in regard to: “‘the king practicing divination for the good of his country.’ They then use
the example of the rise and fall of the Shang (Yin) dynasty to explain the logic of the hexagram ‘ji
ji’---auspicious at the beginning and disastrous at the end---, so it is obvious that the Qin bamboo
strips were created after the Shang (Yin) dynasty.”6 I believe this statement to be improper. Let us
examine the other similar divinations.
(Certain quoted hexagrams and remarks on the bamboo slips at Wang jia tai, here omitted on
account of the difficulty of translation, please see the corresponsive part in the Chinese edition in the
next page)
From divinations of the hexagrams ‘jian,’ ‘juan,’ ‘jun’ and ‘qu,’ we can see that “In
the past the king practiced divination for the good of his country” was the common sentence of the Qin
bamboo strips; and apparently, it was quite fixed. The standard sentence is not seen in Zhouyi, so where
did it originate? A rational analysis of the compilation of all the records in regard the use of “King
Qi of the Xia dynasty” and “Kings of the Yin dynasty” would be that these divinations are records of
past practices of divination in Gui cang. In other words, the sentence was a common question during
divination in the Xia and Shang (Yin) dynasties, thus it is commonly seen in Gui cang. Besides, it is not
confirmative to consider hexagram ‘juan’ as the later people’s summation of the fortune of the Shang
(Yin) dynasty.
Some lines in the records on the Qin bamboo strips make reference to the Western Zhou Dynastic
period. In accordance with the preceding scholars’ opinion of the collected version of Gui cang, they
assert it a fake book or a book of divination created by later generations; fail to seriously consider
the problem of the source of the rest records. At this point, we’ll proceed to examine the divinations
on the Qin bamboo strips, which are unequivocally related to the Shang (Yin) dynasty and its preceding
eras.
(Certain quoted hexagrams and remarks on the bamboo slips at Wang jia tai, here omitted on
account of the difficulty of translation, please see the corresponsive part in the Chinese edition in the
next page)
According to the content of these divinations and their ancient source, there occur traces of
the original divination records, thus, it is by no means something baselessly created by later
generations. Therefore, if the book collecting divination records previous to the Shang (Yin) dynasty is
not the Gui cang of divination of the Shang (Yin) period, then what will be? The divinations frequently
mentioned the King Qi of the Xia dynasty, and it reflected that the divination of the Yin dynasty
inherits from the divination of the Xia dynasty. In other words, regardless of our understanding of the
Western Zhou divination records in the Gui cang carved into the Qin bamboo strips, there is an undeniable
connection between the Qin bamboo strips and Gui cang. In short, in regard to the divinations on the Qin
bamboo strips, my beliefs are:
1、obviously they are not a transcription of Zhouyi;
2、the original books of the collected version of Gui cang are later than the Qin bamboo strips, and they
are not the origin of the divinations on the Qin bamboo strips;
3、in accordance with the content of those ancient divinations on the Qin bamboo strips, it, by no means,
was sheer fabrication;
4、the complete collection of hexagram configurations, names and records indicates a specialized
compilation of divination practices. It is only possible that the source of these points is the divination of
the Xia and Shang (Yin) dynasties.
Lastly, I’ll discuss my gross understanding of the Yi zhan engraved on the Qin bamboo strips.
If we assume the Yi zhan on the Qin bamboo strips and the Gui cang are one in the same, it would be
impossible to analyze its records of the Zhou dynastic period. Yan Kejun said the materials regarding the
Zhou dynasty were the Zhou officer Taibu’s records and were mislaid into the Gui cang. Even that, the Yi
zhan on the Qin bamboo strips would never be the original Gui cang of the Yin dynasty. Yan said: “In his
book Xin Lun (新论), Huan Tan (桓谭) proposed that the Gui cang was composed of 4,300 characters”. We
don’t know the details of the Gui cang which Huan Tan read. However, I believe the real Gui cang must
not be limited to the characters on the Qin bamboo Yi zhan. First of all, Confucius said Kun qian
reflected the principles of the Yin dynasty, and he mentioned the meaning of the Kun qian, then the
divination of the Yin dynasty must contain the words reflecting the philosophical words Confucius saw,
while we can’t see them in the Qin bamboo Yi zhan. Second, in the ninth year of Duke Xiang (襄公) in Zuo
zhuan, it states Mu Jiang (穆姜) had a dream in the eastern palace and she went for divination, she got
‘the “eight” of the hexagram gen’. Du Yu’s (杜预) exegesis said: “Gui cang used ‘seven’ and
‘eight’ for divination, so it said ‘the “eight” of the hexagram gen’”. Kong Yingda’s (孔颖达)
commentary said: “Zhouyi’s divination based on changing, while the other two kinds of divination based
on stability (unchanged). The divination got ‘the “eight” of the hexagram gen’, it meant the second
stroke of the hexagram gen didn’t change, and it is the ‘eight’”. The existence of the method of the
divination in the Yin dynasty, which used ‘seven’ and ‘eight’ instead of ‘nine’ and ‘six’ for
divination, seems accepted by all scholars. Thus, the divination of the Yin dynasty contains not only
hexagram texts but stroke texts and explanatory words like Yi zhuan. We read in Shuogua zhuan: “the
emperor rose from ‘zhen,’ coinciding with ‘xun,’ meeting in ‘li,’ (离) working in ‘kun,’ speaking
in ‘dui,’ fighting in ‘qian,’ being exhausted in ‘kan,’ completing in ‘gen.’” Wang Chuanshan (王
船山) thought it ought to be the old section before Confucius. 8 (Shuo gua zhuan) Ma Guohan collected it
into the Lian shan9 (Lian shan). My master Jin Jing-fang also considered it as the left section of Lian
shan. 10 The hexagram ‘lau’ on the Qin bamboo strips is equivalent to the hexagram ‘kan’ (坎) in
Zhouyi. We can’t know from Zhouyi why the hexagram ‘kan’ means exhaustion and why it said: “being
exhausted in kan”. What Shuogua zhuan said must originate from the books of divination before Zhouyi,
and the book of divination from which Zhouyi could directly inherit was Gui cang. It proves this that the
hexagram ‘kan’ in Zhouyi was read as ‘lau’ on the Qin bamboo strips. That is to say, the section in
Shuogua zhuan originated from
Yin divination, which might originate from Xia divination; the Gui cang of Yin divination has
sections like Yi zhuan; the hexagram names in the Gui cang on the Qin bamboo strips are the hexagram
names in the Gui cang of Yin divination; the three mentioned scholars’ conjecture about the source of
the section in Shuogua zhuan is correct.
In conclusion, my opinions of the connection between the Yi zhan on the Qin bamboo strips and the
Gui cang of the divination of the Yin dynasty are:
1、the hexagram names on the Qin bamboo strips are those in the Gui cang of the divination of the Yin
dynasty;
2、except a few divinations against the era, the divinations on the Qin bamboo strips are the hexagram
texts in Gui cang;
3、the Yi zhan on the Qin bamboo strips is not the original and complete edition of Gui cang;
4、the Yi zhan on the Qin bamboo strips is the later generation’s copy of the hexagram configurations,
hexagram names and hexagram texts in the divination of the Yin dynasty. Although it was mixed with some
materials of later era or added some words of later era due to the incompleteness, it was not a
fabrication claimed to be Gui cang.
We should admit that the Yi zhan on the Qin bamboo strips is the main content of the Gui cang of
the divination of the Yin dynasty.
As to comparing the Gui cang on the Qin bamboo strips with the collected version of Gui cang, I
will discuss it in another article. In short, I think the collected version of Gui cang is not a fake
book.
Author data: Name: LIANG Wei-xian; Title: Professor; Affiliation: Institute for Chinese Ideology &
Culture, Jilin Normal University; Major Field: science of history.
So far as I have read, the articles which positively assert the Yi zhan on the Qin bamboo strips
excavated at Wan-jia-tai to be the Gui cang of the Yi of the Yin dynasty are: Xing Wen, Qinjian Guicang
and the usage of Zhouyi” (Wenwu 2000:2); Lin Zhong-jun, “The value of Yi study of the Qin bamboo strips
excavated at Wan-jia-tai” (The study of Zhouyi 2001:2).
Notes and references:
1. Jingzhou City Museum. No.15 Tomb of Qin at Wang jia tai [J]. Wen wu, Cultural Relics, 1995,
(1)
2. LIAN Shao-ming. Jianglin Wang jia tai Qin jian yu Gui cang, The Qin bamboo strips excavated
at Wang jia tai and Gui cang [J]. Jiang han Kao gu, 1996, (4)
3. LI Jia-hao. Wang jia tai Qin jian Yi zhan Wei Gui cang Kao, A textual research to prove the
Yi zhan inscribed on the bamboo strips unearthed at Wang jia tai is attributed to Gui cang [J]. Chuan
tong Wen hua Yu Xian dai hua, Traditional Culture and Modernization, 1997, (1)
4. LI Ling. Tiao chu Zhouyi Kan Zhouyi, To view Zhouyi from out of Zhouyi per se [J]. Chuan tong
Wen hua Yu Xian dai hua, Traditional Culture and Modernization, 1997, (6)
5. WANG Ming-qin. Wang jia tai Qin mu Zhu jian Gai shu, A survey of the bamboo strips excavated
at Wang jia tai [A]. Beijing da xue Xin chu Jian bo Guo ji Xue shu Yan tao hui Lun wen, Papers submitted
to the Symposium for the Latest Excavated Bamboo Slips and Silk Held by Beijing University, 2000.
6. LIANG Shao-ming. Jiangling Wang jia tai Qin jia Gui cang Kao shi, A textual research and
interpretation to the Gui cang on the bamboo strips excavated at Wang jia tai
[J]. Zhong guo Zhe xue shi, History of Chinese Philosophy, 2001, (2)
7. LIN Zhong-jun. Wang jia tai Qin jian Gui cang Chu tu de Yi xue Jia zhi, The value of the Gui
cang on bamboo stripes excavated at Wang jia tai [J]. Zhou yi Yan jiu, Studies of Zhouyi, 2001, (2)
8. WANG Fu-zhi. Chuan-shan Yi shu, Lost Writings of Chuan-shan [Z]. Beijing: Beijing Publishing
House, 1999.
9. MA Guo-han. Yu han shan fang Ji Yi shu, Bibliographies Collected By MA Guo-han [M]. The
version rechecked in the 15th year during the reign of Emperor Guang xu of the Qing Dynasty concealed by
Li of Xiu jiang.
10. JIN Jing-fang. Zhouyi Xi ci zhuan Xin bia Xiang jie, A Detailed New Interpretation to Xi Ci
Zhuan of Zhouyi [M]. Shengyang: Liaohai Publishing House, 1998. 185.
(Originally published in Chinese in the STUDIES OF ZHOUYI/No. 2, 2003)
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From：Center for Zhouyi & Ancient Chinese Philosophy
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Author：LIANG Wei-xian
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